The Inverted Feminist Politics of Hindu Nationalist Feminists

Illustration by Vasundhara Srinivas

The global rise of right-wing gender discourse and advocacy is a testament to the fact that there is no monolithic gender system that exists in any given society. An individual's gender positionality at a given time interacts with multiple axes of difference like race, caste, class, nationality and ethnicity to produce a unique subjectivity with a distinct idea of agency that, at times, might be at odds with other subject positionalities. With the idea of multiple axes of difference in mind, one can conclude that, in the words of Patricia Uberoi, more often than not, identities are about questions of power, and gender exists as a signifier of such power relations (Sethi, 2002). 

The significance of gender in generating and maintaining power relations is evident from the centrality of feminism and gender discourse, as well as the anxiety it produces in the functioning of right-wing politics across the globe. Be it the MAGA supporters and their anxieties around ‘gender ideologies’ or the UK’s far-right activists like Tommy Robinson whose rhetoric of female safety from the “Muslim grooming gangs” pushes an agenda of weaponizing gender discourse to other immigrants and minorities (Zerofsky, 2025).

In alignment with this surge of gender discourse within far-right parties and regimes, feminist legal scholar Ratna Kapur argues that a "gender ideology" is used in Hindutva politics to only counter feminist movements in India (Graff, Kapur & Walters, 2019). This article however seeks to propose that an inverted feminist politics, grounded in the agency and subjectivity of a specific class and caste of women, is currently at play in India. Instead of completely dismissing feminist politics, the right in India has co-opted and fashioned feminism to its advantage, which has served to accord power and support to the Hindutva regime. 

While opposition to feminism and its ideas exists in Indian society, wherein feminist arguments on sexuality and critiques of gender essentialism (also called the gender binary) are rejected as Western imports and anti-Indian ideations, there exists a stream of Hindu feminist thought backed by academic writings and theorisations which look into the feminist credentials of Hindu scriptures and goddesses. 

This Hindu ideation of feminism is invested in the task of reclaiming the nari-shakti (“female power”) that they propose is at the core of the Hindu religious order (Rajan, 1998). Therefore, it is essential to state that while this article is engaging in a critique of the co-option of feminism by the Hindutva regime, it acknowledges the distinction between Hinduism and Hindutva as two distinct streams of thought, with the latter being a politically influenced far-right movement.

With this distinction in mind, the article attempts to theorise that there indeed exists a feminist stream of thought in India that, through multiple strategies, is presenting an inverted and dubious idea of female empowerment that is rooted in the idea of a militant "Muslim-free Hindu Rashtra" (Basu, 1993). The strategies range from the adoption of feminist ideas like free mobility and sexual security to the promotion of a militant idea of female agency facilitated by women's wings of Hindutva ideological bodies like Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP).

The co-option of feminist discourse by Hindu nationalist feminists raises multiple questions about whose agency and identity it strengthens and to whom it belongs. Furthermore, it raises concerns about their ideas and modes of empowerment, and the alienation of minorities it produces in its course.

Furthermore, finally, it begs the following question: can Hindu feminism exist without Hindutva and its communalistic politics of nationalism? By engaging with the following questions sequentially, the article attempts to understand how Hindu nationalists co-opt feminism, as well as its ideas of female agency and empowerment, to further their communalistic agendas that are rooted in the politics of Hindu supremacy, breeding casteism and Islamophobia in the Indian population.

The Model of Hindu Female Empowerment and Agency 

"Did Kali fight the rakshasas with her hands? All our goddesses are armed. Why should I not be armed?"

These lines, used by Hindu feminist Kamala Behn of Rashtriya Sevika Samiti, the women's wing of RSS, to justify the need for combat training for young girls and women in her organisation, highlight a common idea of agency and self-protection prevalent among a section of Hindu feminists who use the imagery of demon slaying and sword-yielding Hindu goddesses like Durga and Kali to justify their need to participate in combat training with guns and swords (Rajan, 1998). 

However, it is crucial to note that while this form of feminism acknowledges feminist concerns prevalent in India, like the high rate of sexual assault and rape cases along with limited spacial mobility for women in urban and rural areas, it employs a unique communalist logic to understand the origin and solution of these issues. In this discourse, the character of Muslim men, along with immigrants, becomes the cause of the victimisation of the entire female community, an argument that inspires the "Kali-like" fury of Indian women onto the “demonic” Muslim other. 

According to Amrita Basu, "the raped Hindu woman has become symbolic of the victimisation of the entire Hindu community by Muslim others. This symbol is so effective because it recalls the violence that women routinely suffer. Thus, women within the Hindu nationalist movement seem to displace their frustration with Hindu men onto Muslim men" (Basu, 1993). 

This form of displacement serves the dual purpose of acknowledging the disadvantaged position of Hindu women in the social order while providing a culprit to seek retribution, ultimately absolving the state of its responsibility to provide security to women while labelling the Muslim other as the aggressor.

While at the global level the image of militant Hindutva right-wing women is considered a cause of feminist panic and alarm, Hindu feminism is also responsible for honing a generation of female politicians like Vijayraje Scindia, Sadhvi Rithambara, and Uma Bharti who have dedicated their careers to fighting issues like female foeticide and Sati, all the while furthering their idea of female empowerment rooted in balancing traditional Indian values with living in the modern age of kalyug. 

Proving her feminist credentials, Uma Bharti famously declared, "When women commit Sati, it has more to do with property than religion". Bharti is also famous for her intolerant attitude towards rape. During her Chief Ministership, she declared, "In my constituency, a twenty-five-year-old boy raped and killed a six-year-old girl and threw her body into a well. The police are looking for him. I have announced that if I find him, I will kill him myself with my bare hands, and I mean it". 

This brand of militant activism and leadership professed by the likes of Uma Bharti and Sadhvi Rithambara is hailed as exemplary female leadership by women across India, making them viable political candidates for Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), thus creating an unholy alliance of violent militant feminism colluding with right-wing political leadership to create a discourse of female agency that is "virulent and avenging, seemingly independent and spontaneous and yet not upsetting the traditional patriarchal hierarchies of personal relationships" (Basu, 1993). 

The displacement of culpability of the rape and sexual exploitation of Hindu women onto “sexually predatory Muslim men” makes the cause of protecting “vulnerable Hindu women” a national concern, one that makes every Hindu mother and homemaker an avenging goddess. This justice-seeking rage and empathy are sometimes extended to the “veiled and voiceless Muslim woman” who cannot and will not speak for herself and desperately needs protection. 

In the words of Uma Bharti, "I feel for my Muslim sisters, but they do not seem to feel for themselves. How can they agree to wear the burqa [full-body veil]? How can they abide by Muslim law?" (Basu, 1993). The idea of agency propagated by Hindu nationalism is based on the containment of Muslim men and invisibilisation of Muslim women at the altar of Hindu women's vindictive empowerment. 

Shakha Women: United In The Project Of Alienation 

In their work on the global rise and appeal of right-wing movements, Agnieszka Graff and Ratna Kapur (Graff, Kapur & Walters, 2019), point out that people feel a sense of cultural solidarity and belonging while participating in collective action. A sense of purpose and solidarity has been articulated by Hindu nationalist feminists when they recount their experiences at shakhas (training camps). Manisha Sethi points out that a "shakha becomes a site of bonding - a female bonding outside the context of the oppressiveness of the joint family structures in the immediate sense and bonding with the community and the nation in a larger sense. Hindu militancy allows the unfolding of agential trajectories, their access to a world of action and public life. It becomes a permissible arena of their agency as it goes along the grain of the conceptual worldview of the Hindu household" (Sethi, 2002). 

While a sense of solidarity and belonging is the feeling that women in the Hindu Nationalist fold articulate, the same idea of sisterly belonging is not extended to the women belonging to caste and religious minority communities. The shakha is a site of oppression and exploitation for Dalit women as it is an institution based on the Hindu supremacist idea of caste hierarchy. It is run by women belonging to Hindu society's upper class and caste strata. 

Atreyee Sen, in their book 'Shiv Sena Women: Violence And Communalism In A Bombay Slum' talks about the large-scale adoption of Hindutva ideology by lower-caste and lower-class women who are seeking to escape the everyday horrors of surviving in an urban slum. Therefore, if not discriminated against, these sections of society become pawns in the nationalist imagination of Hindu feminism (Sen, 2007).

To propose that the Hindutva ideology of BJP and RSS is anti-women and anti-progress is to underplay the gender politics and ideology employed by the far-right in India. By engaging in this form of dismissal, we will be ignoring the large-scale success garnered by the far-right through an appropriation of the language and politics of rights and freedom. 

It is essential to acknowledge that senior BJP Members of Legislative Assemblies (MLAs) and politicians have often spoken impassionately about the plight of working-class women stuck between the grind of home and work, and have pushed for better maternity laws in India. Their publications have complimented the efforts of women working as doctors, teachers and engineers. They have even hailed women for exercising agency while choosing marriage alliances, as long as these marriages are according to the rules of caste society and are within Hindu families (Basu, 1993). BJP, RSS and VHP, through their publications and women's wing, are advancing their feminist politics while simultaneously setting the boundaries for it. 

By presenting itself as the empowering feminist alternative to the regressive and restricting ideology of Islam, BJP can garner support and votes for its communalistic agendas like the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) and a ban on triple talaq. As pointed out by Agnieszka Graff (Graff, Kapur & Walters, 2019), the far-right in India has used the language of rights and legal measures, particularly the discourse of rights and law reform, to advance its agenda of "One People, One Nation, One Law" in the form of a UCC that seeks to universalise the Hindu Personal Law as the norm in the country (Menon, 2014). The same argumentation of feminist empowerment was used to propose the ban on triple talaq in court, wherein the state was liberating Muslim women from the regressiveness of their own religion.

The Good Feminist And The Saga of Nari Shakti but not Nari Mukti

In the Indian context, the co-option of feminist politics rather than its complete dismissal has been the strategy that has accorded power and support to the Hindutva regime. However, this co-option of Feminism is not without its limitations and boundaries. The shakha promotes an idea of acceptable and good feminist empowerment that stays well within the boundaries of traditional Hindu social order and embraces its role within the patriarchal structure of the Hindu family. 

Therefore, an acceptable form of Hindu feminism is one that is rooted in nari shakti but not in nari mukti  (“female liberation”). Since liberation calls for a complete breakup of the familial order, and as such liberation is at odds with the traditional idea of a heteronormative Hindu family structure, nari mukti, in the words of Manisha Sethi, makes a woman anchorless, rootless, and bereft of her duties as a mother and homemaker - precisely those qualities that make her so revered (Sethi, 2002).

An ideal Hindu Feminist embodies the divinity and righteousness of Hindu goddesses like Durga and Kali, who are ready to charge into battle for the protection of the Hindu social order. An idea that is voiced by multiple BJP female leaders like Sadhvi Rithambara and is evident by the large-scale participation and cheering of female foot soldiers in the demolition of Babri Masjid. The vendetta spewed by the likes of Sadhvi Rithambara and the top female leadership of the BJP is influenced by/influences the politics of hate and alienation adopted by the far-right in India. 

"... If you do not awaken, cows will be slaughtered everywhere. You will be responsible for these catastrophes, for history will say Hindus were cowards. Accept the challenge..." (Kakar, 1995) 

Finally, the discussion on the model, functioning and co-option of Hindu feminism by far-right politics in India raises the obvious and crucial question: Can Hindu Feminism exist without Hindutva? To answer this question, one needs to take a deeper look at the central idols and motifs influencing the ideology of Hindu feminism, i.e. the Hindu Goddesses and the Brahmanical Hindu idea of caste division. 

In her paper, 'Is the Hindu Goddess a Feminist?' Rajan closely examines the ideas of femininity and womanhood proposed by Hindu goddesses like Parvathi, Sita and Durga. All these women are presented as divine mothers who embody the idea of sacrifice, purity and eternal maternal love towards not just their children, but at times, towards their husbands, thus creating an archetype of a desexualised self-sacrificing woman whose existence is only defined vis-a-vis her family (Sethi, 2002). 

When these goddesses are not presented in their soft-feminine form like the goddess of power, Kali, their destructive anger is unleashed only when their families (read: Hindu family structure) are under attack, thus making them avenging and protective goddesses of the Hindu family order. When these divine female forms are used as an inspiration for creating an idea of ideal womanhood, they are bound to make good mothers and wives out of young girls whose roles are limited to their responsibility towards their families and nation. 

It is interesting to note that the same idea of Durga and Bharat Mata was used to raise nationalistic fervour by Indian nationalists during India's freedom struggle, as the image of Durga is synonymous with the women of India in the psyche of Indian nationalists; thus, generating patriotism in the hearts of Indian men. After all, the gendered metaphor of Bharat Mata is an image of an all-sacrificing, ever-patient mother who yields weapons and protects her citizens. Her image is often revoked by the likes of Sadhvi Rithambara, who often invokes Bharat Mata during her rally speeches, which are filled with intense anger and hostility, primarily targeting Muslims. Her words are so incendiary that even the government has prohibited the distribution of cassette recordings of her speeches (Lise, 1997).

The popularisation and acceptance of the Hindu feminine idea of womanhood also perpetuates the hegemonic idea of upper caste feminine aesthetic embodied by the goddesses of the Brahmin Hindu order, thereby alienating not just lower-caste women like Dalits and Adivasis (Tribals) but also other religious minorities like Muslims and Christians. 

In the words of Kancha Ilaiah, a prominent anti-caste academic, "the influence of Hindu goddesses upon upper-caste women in Indian society is pernicious, particularly as this emerged in their aggressive opposition towards reservation reforms like the Mandal Commission for the other backward classes (OBCs). This antagonism jeopardises the possibility of alliances between Dalit and Hindu women's movements" (Ilaiah, 1996). The Indian far-right wishes to make this brand of feminism, based on the exclusion of minorities, the ideal gender ideology suitable for its nationalistic and communalistic agenda Gail Omvedt's passionate rebuttal and critique of Hindu feminism is relevant: 

"didn't the concept of stri-shakti, with its reference to sometimes bloody mother goddess traditions, imply too much of an endorsement of power and violence? Wasn't it too readily being picked up by conservatives who could twist it to see women's ability to endure all kinds of oppression as a symbol of magnificent power? Didn't Hindu nationalists have a tradition of appealing to mother goddesses? Wasn't it a Rajput defender of the sati - the murder of Roop Kanwar who said, "Sati is shakti, the power that upholds the universe"? And wasn't the related theme of 'virangana', the historical tradition of heroic women queens who had taken arms against one or other invader or oppressor, simply an endorsement of feudalism as well as warfare? Could the question of empowerment be separated from that of violence?"  (Omvedt, 1993) 

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A detailed inquiry into the functioning and ideology of Hindu Feminism has concluded that the othering of Muslims and other caste minorities is central to the existence of Hindutva ideology and the feminism that is both influenced and co-opted by it. Hindu nationalist feminism follows certain ideals of empowerment and gender equality, but it does not follow the crucial feminist ideal of inclusivity. 

The very existence of Hindu feminism relies on the prioritisation and protection of Hindu women against the Muslim other, which has been designated as a threat to the sanctity of both Hindu women and the Hindu rashtra (“nation”). Hindu Feminism and the Nationalistic Politics of the far-right in India exist in a symbiotic relationship wherein they justify the existence and agency of each other through the mutual disregard and alienation of a demonised other.

Vaishnavi Manju Pal (she/they) holds a Distinction in Gender Studies from SOAS, University of London, where their research focused on 'Dalit Masculinities and Alternate Politics of Radical Dalit Assertion.' They are a lecturer and module leader in Social Sciences, based in London.

A columnist at Political Pandora, they write 'Frames of Reference,' a column that examines socio-political realities through multiple theoretical lenses, with a particular focus on the Indian subcontinent. Their work engages with the lived experiences of its diverse populations, aiming to bridge the gap between academia and public discourse through accessible yet critically rigorous cultural and political analysis.

A firm believer in the power of marginalized voices, Vaishnavi has served as President of the SOAS Ambedkar Society. They are committed to contributing to radical discourse—one class, one student, one paper, and one revolution at a time.

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References:

• Basu, A. (1993). Feminism inverted: The real women and gendered imagery of Hindu nationalism. Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, 25(4), 25-37

• Graff, A., Kapur, R., & Walters, S. D. (2019). Introduction: Gender and the rise of the global right. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 44(3), 541-560.

• Ilaiah, Kancha (1996). Why I Am Not a Hindu: A Sudra Critique of Hindutva Philosophy. Culture and Political Economy, Samya, Calcutta, 118-180. 

• Kakar, Sudhir (1995). Colours of Violence, Viking Penguin, Delhi, 105-161. 

• McKean, Lise. "BHÀRAT MÀTÂ: Mother India and Her Militant Matriots". Devi: Goddesses of India, edited by John S. Hawley and Donna M. Wulff, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997, pp. 250-280.

• Menon, N. (2014). A Uniform Civil Code in India: The state of the debate in 2014. Feminist Studies, 40(2), 480–486.

• Omvedt, G. (1993). Reinventing revolution: New social movements and the socialist tradition in India. ME Sharpe, 91-140. 

• Rajan, R. S. (1998). Is the Hindu Goddess a Feminist? Economic and Political Weekly, WS34-WS38.

• Sen, A. (2007). Shiv Sena women: violence and communalism in a Bombay slum. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 16- 50. 

• Sethi, M. (2002). Avenging angels and nurturing mothers: Women in Hindu nationalism. Economic and Political Weekly, 1545–1552.

• Zerofsky, Elisabeth. “Trump Joins a Global War on “Gender Ideology.” The New York Times, 8 Feb. 2025, www.nytimes.com/2025/02/08/magazine/gender-ideology-trump-orban.html.

Keywords: Hindutva And Feminism, Gender Politics India, Women In Hindutva, Communalism, Gender Roles, Patriarchy And Power, Cultural Nationalism India, Feminist Resistance Hindutva, Intersectional Feminism India, Saffron Politics Gender, Bharat Mata Narrative, Uniformity And Gender, Dalit Feminist Voices, Tradition Versus Feminism, Caste And Gender India.